And it is not as though the Allies were finding the war easy. Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. According to notes taken by Prince Maximilian, Ebert declared on 7 November, "If the Kaiser does not abdicate, the social revolution is unavoidable. . Mass strikes in many German cities in January 1918, demanding the Bolshevik formula of a ‘peace without annexations or indemnities’, were soon snuffed out by a firm government response. The USPD demanded an immediate end to the war and a further democratisation of Germany but did not have a unified agenda for social policies. . After the Armistice, the remnants of the German Army straggled home International Encyclopedia of the First World War, The Military Collapse of the Central Powers, Labour Movements and Strikes, Social Conflict and Control, Protest and Repression (Germany), Library of materials on the German Revolution, Archive of texts on the German Revolution, Armistice between Russia and the Central Powers, Provisional Polish Revolutionary Committee, Lithuanian–Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=German_Revolution_of_1918–1919&oldid=1021762736, Wikipedia indefinitely semi-protected pages, Short description is different from Wikidata, Articles lacking in-text citations from November 2013, Wikipedia articles needing clarification from September 2012, Wikipedia articles needing clarification from January 2016, All articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases, Articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases from September 2017, Articles with unsourced statements from July 2014, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, Suppression of leftist uprisings, including. Members of the USPD, the KPD and even the SPD called for a general strike that started on 4 March. From 1933 to 1934, he served under Adolf Hitler as the Vice-Chancellor of Germany. Instead, it sought to peacefully integrate them into the new social democratic system. They called themselves "Councils" (Räte) after the Russian "Soviets". This post presents my understanding of that hypothesis and its critics. Contrary to the official party line, Rudolf Lindau supported the theory that the German Revolution had a Socialist tendency. According to this myth, the German leaders who signed the November 11 Armistice were considered traitors – “the November criminals” – and that the Weimar Republic, created later, was the work of these criminals who had betrayed the army and, implicitly, the country in order to gain power. This committee was to co-ordinate the activities of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils. In the republic’s first elections, on January 19, 1919, the parties drawing more than 5% of the vote were the SPD (38%), Center Party (20%), German Democratic Party (DDP) (18%), German National People’s Party (DNVP) (10%), and Independent Social Democrats (USPD) (7%). On the right end of the political spectrum, the extremely popular Hindenburg (see Goltz, 2009) might have made a believable claim that the German army could and would fight to the end, and on home territory would be supported by members of an armed public (see references to the levée en masse in Geyer, 2001, and Lutz, 1967, p. 128). Instead, they supported the government's decision to call for elections for a constituent national assembly as soon as possible. The Centre Party was runner-up to the SPD with 91 deputies, the DDP had 75, the DVP 19 and the DNVP 44. To this very day, the interpretation of these events has been determined more by legends than by facts. After the advance of the troops into the city became known, an SPD leaflet appeared saying, "The hour of reckoning is nigh". . Weakness and hunger sapped strength and support for the war. The general idea, held at that point by a substantial number of conservative Germans, was that political leftists (e.g., socialists, pacifists) had administered the “stab in the back,” ending Germany’s participation in the war, through various actions that were not in the best interests of the German nation (see Tucker, 2014, “Adolf Hitler” entry, p. 763). The things taking place were not a revolution. The Spartacist League, which until then had opposed a split of the party, now made up the left wing of the USPD. Scholars appear increasingly convinced that, right up until talk of the Armistice sapped morale, troops remained substantially (indeed, remarkably) resilient and committed to fight (Boff, 2014, p. 874; 2012, pp. But in support of the point about revolutionary undermining of the Army, Kuhl (p. 136) cites several publications, each apparently offering numerous examples of activities that would seem to undermine support for the war effort. However, when some torpedo boats directed their guns onto these ships a day later, the mutineers gave up and were led away without any resistance. In 1932–33, Article 48 was instrumental in destroying German democracy.[21]. On the evening of 15 January 1919, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were discovered in an apartment of the Wilmersdorf district of Berlin. For the first time during these strikes, the so-called Revolutionary Stewards took action. His replacement, Paul von Hindenburg, introduced the Hindenburg Programme by which the guidelines of German policy were de facto set by the Supreme Army Command (German: Oberste Heeresleitung), not the emperor and the chancellor. An illustration: one source reportedly says, “We at least in Munich wanted to start the revolution as early as January [1918].” In Wasserstein’s (2007) words. The historian and publicist Sebastian Haffner in turn came out against Tucholsky and Rathenau. Hindenburg’s testimony included these words (emphasis in original): The concern as to whether the homeland would remain resolute until the war was won, from this moment on, never left us. As he said to his staff officers on 1 October: "They now must lie on the bed that they have made us."[9]. They repeated the demand for the "Unity of the Working Class" that had been put forward by the revolutionaries the previous day and now used this motto in order to push through Ebert's line. The following day, the new government offered to the Allies the truce that Ludendorff had demanded. In addition to car fires, violence during and after soccer matches has also risen. The Bolsheviks' principal motivation for acceding to so many of Germany's demands was to stay in power at any cost amid the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. In 1920, the German government was briefly overthrown in a coup organized by Wolfgang Kapp (the Kapp Putsch), and a nationalist government was briefly in power. These revolts were triggered by Noske's decision at the end of February to take armed action against the Bremen Soviet Republic. The first elections for the new Weimar National Assembly were held on 19 January 1919, and the revolution ended on 11 August 1919, when the Weimar Constitution was adopted. The sailors even deposed their commander because they saw him as involved in the affair. In this programme, she pointed out that the communists could never take power without the clear will of the people in the majority. As a result of the elections, the SPD formed the so-called Weimar Coalition with the Centre Party and the DDP. 1923: Hitler's 'beer hall' putsch This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. With Russia knocked out of the war, the German Supreme Command could now move part of the eastern armies to the Western Front. They were soon joined by shipyard workers. The revolutionary period lasted from November 1918 until the adoption of the Weimar Constitution in August 1919. Again they carried placards and banners that proclaimed, "Brothers, don't shoot!" With 37.4% of the vote, the SPD became the strongest party in the Reichstag and secured 165 out of 423 deputies. Wikipedia traces that statement’s reference to backstabbing to a conversation between British General Neill Malcolm and German Field Marshal Erich Ludendorff earlier in the fall of 1919, and also to a Swiss newspaper article (December 17, 1918) summarizing previous newspaper articles by British General Frederick Maurice. In 1955, Karl Dietrich Bracher also dealt with the German Revolution from the perspective of the failed republic. They were to play an important part in further developments. November 18, 1827. The strike was organized by a group called the Revolutionary Stewards (Revolutionäre Obleute), led by their spokesman Richard Müller. Against the will of the strike leadership, the strikes escalated into street fighting in Berlin. These were all revolutionary actions by protagonists who did not want a revolution, but nevertheless took action. . In his view the political situation at the beginning of the revolution was open: the moderate socialist and democratic-oriented work force indeed had a chance to become the actual social foundation of the republic and to drive back the conservative forces. The Revolution of 1918/19 is one of the most important events in the modern history of Germany, yet it is poorly embedded in the historical memory of Germans. To get away from the post-revolutionary confusion in Berlin, the National Assembly met on 6 February in the town of Weimar, Thuringia, some 250 km to the southwest of Berlin, where Friedrich Ebert was elected temporary Reich President on 11 February. . . Lenin had high hopes for world revolution in 1917 and 1918. The majority still hoped to gain power by continued agitation in the factories and from "pressure from the streets". . This new interpretation of the German Revolution gained acceptance in research rather quickly even though older perceptions remained alive. The councils deposed the management of the Leuna works, a giant chemical factory near Merseburg. After the Supreme Command had passed from the emperor to the Imperial Government, the German Empire changed from a constitutional to a parliamentary monarchy. 15918, Krankenbuchlager Berlin, zit. 101-102), Paul von Hintze developed a scheme in which Hindenburg and Ludendorff, leaders of the German war effort, would persuade Kaiser Wilhelm to appoint a new, liberal chancellor. The mother of this revolution was the soldiers' longing to be home for Christmas. The Kingdom of Bulgaria, an ally of the German Empire and Austria-Hungary, capitulated on 27 September. All that really happened was a breakdown. The focus of the November Criminal accusation thus seems to be oriented toward the perceived initial sellout (in the Armistice and at Versailles) and the subsequent pursuit of what Hitler’s sympathizers considered an undesirable form of government. In some states, Councils Republics were proclaimed, most prominently in Bavaria (the Munich Soviet Republic), even if only temporarily. Hitler was perhaps not the best judge of morale in that setting, given the seeming contrast between his own feelings and those of his fellow soldiers (e.g., Shirer, 1990, pp. The settlement arguably contained harsher terms for the Russians than the later Treaty of Versailles would demand of the Germans. Since the nation’s actual negotiators accomplished very little, it does seem that any negotiators of conviction, right or left, had some chance of achieving a more balanced cessation of hostilities. But it also appears that the blame for that belongs primarily to the wartime leaders on the right, who failed to negotiate a peace when Germany was in a strong position — and who declined, moreover, to retain negotiating responsibility when they, however weakened, may still have been the best negotiators on Germany’s behalf. Liebknecht demanded the overthrow of the government and agreed with the majority of the committee that propagated the armed struggle. The SPD opted instead for a national assembly that would form the basis for a parliamentary system of government. bei Dirk, Dähnhardt. He blamed the Berlin government and the civilian population for the armistice/surrender of November 1918, saying they had failed to support him, had let him down, and had proved itself unworthy of the traditions of a fighting nation. This committee was to examine which industries were "fit" for nationalisation and to prepare the nationalisation of the coal and steel industry. Yes, the negotiations could perhaps have been pursued more shrewdly. “Germany must be turned into a waste land, as happened there during the 30-year War.” (Das Morgenthau-Tagebuch, The Morgenthau Dairy, p. 11). In the following three weeks, American President Woodrow Wilson responded to the request for a truce with three diplomatic notes. The result was the resignation and radicalisation of the council movement. In this manner, they hoped to install a monitoring body acceptable to them watching the government. From the start the Weimar Republic seemed doomed being branded the ‘November Criminals’ for signing the armistice that betrayed Germany and then for signing the Treaty of Versailles. Instead, the alliance of the SPD with the old elites constituted a considerable structural problem for the Weimar Republic. all those people who wear the supporter of weimar Republic were called as November criminals. ( Log Out /  Hence, following the cessation of hostilities, there were scenes like those described by Maurice (1919, pp. The mutinous sailors had no intention of risking their lives so close to the end of the war. Some 250 met in the evening of 1 November in the Union House in Kiel. ("I no longer see parties, I see only Germans!").[4]. As USPD chairman Hugo Haase was in Kiel and the deliberations went on. Germany crime rate & statistics for 2016 was 1.17, a 40.5% increase from 2015. . The first acts of revolution were triggered by the policies of the Supreme Command of the German Army and its lack of coordination with the Naval Command. Sub-Lieutenant Steinhäuser, in order to stop the demonstrators, ordered his patrol to fire warning shots and then to shoot directly into the demonstration; 7 people were killed and 29 severely injured. It appears to have been disingenuous of Hindenburg to suggest that unspecified others had derailed the German army. Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, the SPD, like other socialist parties in Europe, organised anti-war demonstrations during the July Crisis. In order to create an executive committed to the revolution and to the future of the new government, the councils for the moment claimed only to take over the supervision of the administration from the military commands. He called the revolution a "disappointment", a "present by chance", a "product of desperation", a "revolution by mistake". 121-122; Zroka, 2014, p. 14; Bruendel, n.d.). These disturbances spread the spirit of civil unrest across Germany and ultimately led to the proclamation of a republic to replace the imperial monarchy on 9 November 1918, two days before Armistice Day. Moreover, the Social Democrats that held the majority in the Weimar Government was pressured both by the left and right wing seeking to usurp power. The nickname "November Criminals" was given to the German politicians who negotiated and signed the armistice which ended World War One in November of 1918. But a majority of councils came to arrangements with the old administrations and saw to it that law and order were quickly restored. The squadron commander Vice-Admiral Kraft carried out a maneuver with his battleships in Heligoland Bight. On the one hand, the Weimar Constitution offered more possibilities for a direct democracy than the present Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany, for example by setting up a mechanism for referenda. Negotiation will obviously not be very effective if one does not believe in one’s own side — if, as seems to have been somewhat the case among the leftists representing Germany at the Armistice, there is considerable agreement with the Allied perspective. On 29 September, the Supreme Army Command, at army headquarters in Spa, Belgium, informed Emperor Wilhelm II and the Imperial Chancellor Count Georg von Hertling that the military situation was hopeless. From now on, committees together with the management were to monitor the wage settlements in every factory with more than 50 employees. As the Council continuously changed its position following whoever it just happened to represent, Ebert withdrew more and more responsibilities planning to end the "meddling and interfering" of the Councils in Germany for good. I did not find any authoritative statement (by e.g., Hitler) specifying the names of the November Criminals. The SPD worried that the revolution would end in a Council (Soviet) Republic, following the Russian example. In 1923, in what is now known as the Beer Hall Putsch, the Nazis took control of parts of Munich, arrested the president of Bavaria, the chief of police, and others and forced them to sign an agreement in which they endorsed the Nazi takeover and its objective to overthrow the German government. [citation needed], After the imperial government and the Supreme Command shirked their responsibilities for the war and the defeat at an early stage, the majority parties of the Reichstag were left to cope with the resulting burdens. . Death of Wilhelm Hauff in Stuttgart, Germany. In the afternoon, the train stations and the newspaper district with the offices of the middle-class press and Vorwärts were occupied. Some demonstrators also opened fire. These actions included not only strikes and other signs of rebellion against Germany’s military leadership (above) but also certain measures taken by leading leftists upon gaining control of the government in late 1918. The Emperor welcomed the so-called "truce" (Burgfrieden), declaring: "Ich kenne keine Parteien mehr, ich kenne nur noch Deutsche!" The text does not make clear who inserted that comment. Weimar’s predominantly leftist leaders made the best of a bad situation where the Treaty of Versailles was concerned — dodging the reparations obligation, evading some of the disarmament provisions, disavowing border settlements. The Armistice did prevent suffering and bloodshed, on both sides. The proposal by the shop stewards to elect an action committee additionally took the SPD leadership by surprise and started heated debates. The decisive defeat of the left occurred in the first days of the new year in 1919. It may have been feasible to project a credible willingness to drag out the fight past the winter (see Boff, 2014, p. 874). The Allies, enjoying increasingly superior numbers, resources, and command capabilities with the entrance of American troops and materiél (Nowowiejski, 2013), captured more than a quarter-million German soldiers within the first six weeks of the Hundred Days Offensive in late summer and early fall 1918 (Wasserstein, 2007) — although at enormous cost to both sides. According to German crime statistics, the most common incidents include theft of unattended personal property, pick-pocketing, residential break-ins, vehicle vandalism, vehicle break-ins (smash and grab), and vehicle fires. Not until the 1980s would Soviet livestock numbers return to their 1928 level.”. (Wenn der Kaiser nicht abdankt, dann ist die soziale Revolution unvermeidlich. After the victory in the east, the Supreme Army Command on 21 March 1918 launched its so-called Spring Offensive in the west to turn the war decisively in Germany's favour, but by July 1918, their last reserves were used up, and Germany's military defeat became certain. . 345-346) offers this definition: NOVEMBER CRIMINALS (Novemberverbrecher); conceived by the antirepublican Right (the DNVP and other unrepentant monarchists), the term was first used to identify any German who had a hand in either the Armistice* or the Versailles Treaty,* but it was soon applied to those prepared to fulfill the terms of Versailles (e.g., Walther Rathenau* and Gustav Stresemann*). The Freikorps brutally cleared several buildings and executed the occupiers on the spot. Whatever its origin, according to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), the “November Criminals” were held most directly to blame for the stab in the back. there were mainly catholics democrats and socialist. of the initiators, the demonstration turned into an assembly of huge masses. As the war dragged on and the death tolls rose, more SPD members began to question the adherence to the Burgfrieden (the truce in domestic politics) of 1914. With this, the potential for violence and the danger of a coup from the right became visible. would lose that argument, and the war would be ended. Those measures included Germany’s commitment to the harsh terms of the Armistice and the the Treaty of Versailles, along with other aspects of the country’s transition into what became known as the Weimar Republic of 1918-1933. [2][3] In the face of the general enthusiasm for the war among the population, which foresaw an attack by the Entente powers, many SPD deputies worried they might lose many of their voters with their consistent pacifism. However, a real revolutionary action took place the same evening that would later prove to have been in vain. On the following day, 6 January, the Revolutionary Committee again called for a mass demonstration. This revolt was not just a mutiny anymore, it was a true revolution....As in any revolution, the old order was replaced by the beginnings of a new one. On that Sunday, every Berlin factory and every regiment was to elect workers' and soldiers' councils that were then in turn to elect a revolutionary government from members of the two labour parties (SPD and USPD). Explanations of the stab-in-the-back story commonly emphasize a gap between the reality of recurrent battlefield defeats and the official government accounts of glowing victories (see Diehl, 1989, p. 397; Badsey, n.d.; Maurice, 1919, pp. The sailors and stokers were now pulling out all the stops to prevent the fleet setting sail again and to achieve the release of their comrades. The same alliance of political forces succeeded in suppressing leftist uprisings in other parts of Germany, with the result that the country was completely pacified by late 1919. A large part of the bourgeoisie and the old elites from big industry, landowners, military, judiciary and administration never accepted the democratic republic and hoped to get rid of it at the first opportunity. Around 1935, that affected the first published history of the Weimar Republic by Arthur Rosenberg. The stab-in-the-back story was most prominently initiated by former Field Marshal (and future German president) Paul von Hindenburg in testimony before Germany’s Parliamentary Committee on November 18, 1919, about one year after the Armistice that ended WWI. Bavaria was the first member state of the German Empire to be declared a Volksstaat, the People's State of Bavaria, by Kurt Eisner of the USPD who asserted that Ludwig III had abdicated his throne via the Anif declaration. Eventually, the people supported Artelt's call to free the prisoners, and they moved towards the military prison. The SPD leadership worked with the old administration rather than with the new Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, because it considered them incapable of properly supplying the needs of the population. ], a second revolutionary wave developed, but in this case, it was violently suppressed. 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